INTRODUCTION:

The purpose of this article is to situate the question of Jat identity in a correct historical perspective. The present day Jats are regarded as a separate community with a distinct identity- territorial cultural and political. But the question arises have these notions of community and identity always been there? If we scratch the antiquities of the Jats, we find that at one time these notions are not present, at other times they are inchoate and yet some other times they are explicit. Why this is so? We can always attempt a retrospective projection of the historical sense to explore as to how and when the notions of community and identity were germinated in the minds of the millions at what stages they became coherent and when they crystallized into definite form.

The formation of an identity presupposes the formation of a community. Identity is like a superstructure that needs a base to grow flower and attain fulfilment. Hence the process of identity formation is preceded by creation of the sense of community.

It is important to ascertain the self-consciousness of the community as to how its members perceive themselves in the existing social network, how did they visualize and judge themselves vis-a-vis other communities and enter into social relationships with a strong sense of social identity. It seems that such a study also requires some kind of communication with the community consciousness which actually harbours the notions of identity. The process of identity-formation can be historically traced by the study of conscious attempts by the members of the community. When we try to study the communities in a Varna framework our opinions are likely to be overshadowed by the cultural labels placed on the communities by the Dharamsastras rather than directly ascertaining the actual economic strength and social status of the community in a given society. Hence the social dynamics of the Indian caste system lies not as much in the study of Sastric gradation of Jat communities but more so in discovering the reinvented identities by the recalcitrant communities.

It is a matter of great historical interest to find out exactly when and why a particular group chooses to invent or re-invent identity and tries to perpetuate it for its progeny. It is important to analyse the socio-economic constraints the threat perception and the logical necessity for building a self-image which can separate that group from 'others'. The theme of identity helps us to understand not merely a positive action of organising itself on part of a people but also suggests a negative angle i.e. a divisive attempt to separate 'us' from 'others'. This division demonstrates a strong desire of a people to reject the existing structure in order to derive great advantages from the new identity. These advantages may sound imaginary to others but the concerned group perceives fulfilment and a promising future from the materialization of the new identity. It seems plausible that over emphasis on the process of self-identification or aspired status may eclipse the other side of the social reality i.e. that is the actual status and positions of the said group in a society. But on the other hand we cannot afford to neglect the collective urge of a people which may be supported by conscious affirmative action such as sanskritization. The study of the undying zeal for new identities by social groups is as important as its set of beliefs cults and modes of worship. In other words, identity formation is a kind of historical projection of accumulated desires, efforts, struggles and ambitions of millions of men and women over the generations who tried to attain it. It is important to investigate as to why a particular kind of identity serves as a centripetal force for a large number of men and women who decide to make a common cause for the realization of the proposed identity. The identity can serve as a historical clue to study the psychology of communities as to how the germination of a brilliant idea for the upliftment of a group of people is endlessly pursued by the successive generations and ultimately leads to the transformation of its people and the emergence of new identity.

For a discussion on the formation of Jat identity and community one needs to comprehend the significance of, shift' in Jat history. Here, the 'shift' implies a process of change which manifests itself in not one but many forms. For the purpose of Jats, three distinct but inter-linked shifts need to be considered the territorial shift, the occupational shift and the technological shift. In this part, the problem of Jat identity will be examined within this framework.

In the 7th century, Hiuen Tsang noticed a large pastoral population living 'along the flat marshy lowlands' in Sind whom he described as 'of an unfeeling and hasty temper' but did not mention their name.¹ At this stage, on account of their low level of existence these people (identified as Jats) were not important enough to be named and were rather recognized by their external behaviour and way of life.

The first attempt to fix a mark of identification on the Jats is found in the 8th century when during the reign of Hindu Chach as well as under Muhammad Qasim, it was strictly ordered that 'when the Jats went out of their houses, they must take dogs with them, in order that they might easily be distinguished from the other tribes.'² Other restrictions on the Jats included that they should not carry swords, ride horses and wear soft and silken clothes. This unprecedented development was a significant change as it provides insight into the prevailing conditions that invited the imposition of an inferior identity or a mark of humiliation over a selective people by the State. It may be noted that Chach the Brahmana ruler of Sindh was a successor of a Sudra ruler who respected the law of Buddha. The Jats of Sindh were also inclined to Buddhist faith and this might have been one of the factors that determined the policy of a Brahman State towards people belonging to heterodox faith. However, the continuity of social restrictions and imposition of identity marks on the Jats by the Arab rulers of Sind also confirm the policy of non-interference in the past traditions and social usage in foreign countries. This phenomenon is reminiscent of the ancient Indian tendency to exclude the Sudras from participating in the communal life.³ The discriminatory provisions imposed on the Jats also remind us of the rules governing the relations between the masters and their herdsmen and agricultural labourers, characteristic of agrarian and pastoral economy of pre-Mauryan period.⁴ It is a matter of investigation as to why this kind of identity or a mark of humiliation was exclusively placed on the Jats and Luhanas. Chachnama informs us the Jats were supposed to 'supply firewood to the ruler of Brahmanabad; that they must serve him in the capacity of guides and spies; that, if they distinguished themselves for these qualities, they would be considered trustworthy and honest; that they must live in harmony and co-operate with King Agham's son Sarhand; and that, if an enemy invaded the country, they should consider it their duty to stand by him and fight forhim. The imposition of compulsory service and extortions from the Jats is also reminiscent of the economic disabilities imposed on the Sudras.These tendencies also show that there are conscious attempts to widen the gap between the higher Varna and the lower Jats but they were certainly not treated as untouchables.⁵ The Jats seemed to have a record of defiance, insurgency and banditry and perhaps these restrictions are mainly intended to prevent their mobility and ability to revolt The expectations of trustworthiness and honesty from the Jats by Chach as well as the appeal to them to live in harmony and co-operation clearly suggests that the rulers did not trust the Jats and hence there was the need of some stringent measures to deal with their hostile nature. The socio-economic disabilities imposed on the Jats also explain the roots of their religious affiliations to Buddhism which had opened its doors to all those who were scorned in the Brahmanical society. Hence, it can be postulated that the social degradation of the Jat was more pronounced on account of their engagement to menial occupation (herdsmen) and allegiance to the heterodox sect. This phenomenon is also reflected later in Alberuni's observation that 'the Jatts were cattle-herders, low Sudra people’.⁶ In this way, the first notions of community and identity formation of the Jats were not articulated by the Jats themselves but by the 'others' who were governed by cultural relativism, socio-economic incompatibility and threat perception.

The available evidence shows that significant territorial shift in the North-West from roughly 10th century onwards contributed to the changes in the socio-economic and political life of various communities, the Jats in particular. In the 8th and 9th century the main area of Jat concentration was central and upper Sind but in the early 11th century the Jats emerged in greater strength in Punjab⁷ when they entered into a fierce naval encounter with the forces of Mahmud Ghazni in 1027 CE. This sudden demographic change in the situation provides conclusive evidence of a northward migration of the Jats from Sind into southern Punjab by the end of the 10th century.⁸ The focus of the Jas had now shifted from the 'flat marshy lowlands, of Sind to the banks of Indus in Punjab. This process seems to be in complete agreement with the linguistic evidence which suggests an incursion of a Sindhi type language in Multan.⁹ This would be a natural consequence of the migration of the Sindhi Hils into southern Punjab. According to Grierson one of the names of Lahnda is Jalki, the language of the Jats who were quite numerous in the central part of the lahnda tract.

This mobility was not new to the Jats whose previous occupation was pastoralism that requires groups to be mobile for all or part of the year.¹⁰ The geographical movement from Sind to southern Punjab transformed the socio-economic patterns of the Jats. The pastoralism possibly first gave way to pastro-agriculture before moving into full-fledged agriculture. The subsistence economy of pastoral life was replaced by the fruits of agricultural surplus. In this way, the territorial shift triggered an occupational shift among the Jats who settled down in the villages of Mulatn and Bhatiya¹¹ and adopted agricultural way of life.

At the pastoral level the Jats were socially organized into bands or tribes which do not stress the accumulation of material goods do not interact with the strangers and have limited social roles. It was these isolated and self-sufficient pastoral communities of the Jats that Hiuen Tsang noticed in the 7th century. But after moving into Punjab the Jats evolved out of their tribal way of life and adopted village-based plough agriculture which now allowed larger population wealth and greater potential for war mobilization. This transformation explains the large-scale mobilization of manpower and resources by the Jilts against Mahmud Ghazni.

It has been argued that the question of identity has to be situated within those politico-economic developments that altered the 'settled' character of many peoples and cultures¹². The political condition in Central Asia has from the early periods been in a state of flux where the push and pull factors resulted in endless movements and migrations of communities and cultures. The North-Western parts of India were directly in touch with the fluid political situation of Central Asia and were therefore directly affected by the happenings. The Jats of Sind and Punjab were one of the communities whose destiny was directly linked with the happenings of Central Asia. The Hun and Mongol invasions from the North West had direct bearings on the Jats of Sind and Punjab. The series of Mongol invasions during 13th and 14th centuries pushed the Jats and other communities northwards. The political pressures forced them into southern Punjab from where they moved into south-east Punjab and further spread into GangeticDoab. The constant movements and migrations of the Jats over the centuries were fraught with difficulties. During the course of their movements they came across new environment new regions new people new cultures new enmities and new constraints which greatly transformed their occupations preferences and psychology. The people whose life has been far from settled and who were exposed to hitherto unknown dangers were rather forced to accommodate with the fast changing realities of the time. The itinerant character of the Jats gave them a totally different outlook which may have been dissimilar to the settled communities. The Jats during the course of their unsettled existence and constant warfare required a rallying point which can help them to survive and sustain themselves. It is only a strong sense of unity cohesiveness and brotherhood that could enable them to outlive the dangers and challenges of life.

They badly needed a continuous supply of warriors and resources in order to fight their enemies. The spirit of war and sacrifice demands not just materialistic gains in terms of booty or territory but rather a higher ideal such as honour of tribe the past glory, removal of threat etc. These needs couldn't have been met without a social organization which thrives upon production and protection. With the absence of kingship and having a strong republican tradition of egalitarian way of life, the Jats were in a position of great advantage to organise the resources and manpower. The strong pastoral background of the Jats also helped them to absorb the shocks of push and pull factors and sustain themselves in an uncertain and unsettled way of life. It is largely on account of their exposure to nomadic way of life that they were able to accommodate the political and economic constraints of the time. Hence the debate of identity of the Jats also needs to be situated within their pastoral background, egalitarian way of life, co-existence with political upheavals incessant warfare and forced migrations. The process of accommodation to the new modes of life also set into motion a subtle process of social grouping or social cohesion among those who were now inclined to hold the plough. The practical needs of agriculture demanded organisation of manpower for day to day agricultural activities. The shift to agriculture changed the focus from cattle to land and crop. The protection of crops as well as expansion of cultivation necessitated war which again demanded further mobilization of manpower and resources. Hence the previously scattered groups of Jats coalesced into close working communities. The shift to agriculture was accompanied by many phenomenons such as agrarian surplus accumulation of wealth, landed property trade and crafts. The new complexities required some kind of settlement in form of rules for property disputes marriage and descent. For a long period, the Jats were in a period of transition and their identity was inchoate as the Jilt tribes were transforming into caste and being absorbed onto Varna-Jati system. The process of social transformation of the tribes did not altogether abandon the tribal structure but accommodated the clan system along with its rules of exogamy. Gradually, the Jats evolved into a caste with well-defined rules of exogamy and endogamy. a fixed occupation, i.e. agriculture with code of social behaviour and relationships with other communities. Dabistiin-i-Mazahib¹³ refers to the Jats of Punjab as 'villagers or rustic' belonging to the caste of Vaisyas. Thus the Jats not only developed a sense of community of peasants within themselves but also perceived by others as cultivators.

The above transformation of the Jats from tribe into community was inherently connected to the question of identity. As noted earlier, the Jats of Sindh were subjected to harsh socio-economic disabilities and as a consequence they had an inferior social status and weak identity. But now having moved into Punjab, the Jats adopted agriculture which brought about perceptible changes in their identity. The point of significance is the fact that the Jats of Punjab were no longer subjected to Chachnama-type of discriminatory prohibitions. The plough agriculture brought ritual status, the agrarian surplus brought material prosperity and large population brought better war mobilization. Their newly found economic strength and the newly assigned role as a cultivator and warrior helped their integration into the society. The food stability and the agrarian surplus now supported an increasing population with a large network of clan-based groups, linked together with rules of marriage and descent. The dynamism of the Jat cultivators gave them self-respect and a strong self-consciousness which they began to assert in a number of ways. As reported earlier, in Punjab, the connection of the Jats with peasant agriculture was so linked that' Jar began to mean an agriculturist.¹⁴ Their proximity to land was an important factor in building a basis for the new identity. Thus the most significant aspect in terms of identity-formation of the Jats was the merger of the cultivation with the cultivating caste (Jats). Ibbetson observed that the word 'Jar became a generic term for even a non-Jat agriculturist to claim Jat status.¹⁵ It shows that the name 'Jar gradually became a model of Sankritization where one can enhance his caste status by adopting the occupation of the Jats.

The process of Jat expansion within Punjab continued unabated and it seems that by the end of 11th century, the Jats had spread out from southern Punjab and settled in south-east Punjab. During the course of their movements, the Jats developed strong associations with existing popular cults and also developed their own religious traditions. The process of formation of Jat identity derived sustenance from their cultural traditions which centred around local cults, saints, pirs, tombs and shrines. Their pluralist religious traditions suchas swangs, kissas, kathas and sakhas. Some of their popular stories included stories of Allah Udal, Guga Pir, Bhura Badal, Hadi Rani, Amar Singh Rathore, Vir Jawaharmal, Bhau kl sakhas etc.¹⁶ The religious traditions of the Jats contributed to great extent in providing a structure to the Jat identity.

From the 12th century onwards we see another phase of territorial shift of the Jats from Punjab to present day Uttar Pradesh. An eastward migration of the Jats from the south-east Punjab to the Gangetic Doab is clearly visible from the 12th century onwards which continued unabated till the early 16th century.¹⁷ The great shift in the position of the Jats from Punjab to Gangetic Doab was facilitated by massive breakdown of law and order in wake of foreign invasions and political instability of the Delhi Sultanate. During this period, the Mongol invasions caused great political upheavals in the North-West and triggered a chain of push and pull factors that displaced several communities. The Jats were one of these dispossessed communities that found its way first into south-eastern Punjab and then into the Gangetic valley. These conditions emboldened the gotra-based groups of the Jats of Punjab to cross the Jamuna river and embark upon an aggressive campaign of territorial expansion, conquest and land acquisition in U. P. by pushing the previous communities.¹⁸ The narratives of the khap-panchayats corroborates the oral traditions of the Jats that they migrated into the upper Gangetic Doab from south-east Punjab.¹⁹ A narrative of Sakha of khap Baliyan demonstrates the trend of this evidence. "In the mid-12th century a Jat group of Kasyap gotra migrated from their ancestralvillage, Mehlana (Gurgaon), crossed Jamuna river and settled in the territory that now corresponds to Bhanera Jat and Sisauli villages in Muzaffarnagar (Uttar Pradesh). These two villages were established by this shakha. Village Sisauli was established at the end of the 12th century and it developed into a centre of the gotra. The villages that now fall under the Baliyan khap were either established or conquered by the Kasyap Jats who had spread into the neighbouring areas from Sisauli.²⁰ The process of territorial expansion, conquests and land acquisition by the Baliyan khap continued till the early 16th century. This phenomenon was a result of the breakdown of the law and order in wake of foreign invasions and rapid dynastic changes before the foundation of the Mughal Empire. After the formation of the Mughal rule the law and order situation was brought under control.

The second shift of the Jats from Punjab to Uttar Pradesh brought even greater transformation in the status and identity among the Jats. The Jats soon spread themselves into the entire Upper Ganga-Jamuna Doab and mobilized their resources through their khap network. It may be noted that before their migration from Punjab the politicalinstitution of the Jats was based on their membership of the gotra. But now in the Doab the villages that they conquered or controlled were organised into gotra panchayat and the territories under its control were called khap. The panchayats of these villages were called khap panchayat. This khap possessed its own civil army for the purpose of security and further expansion which continued till the foundation of the Mughal rule in the 16th century. The situation of 16th century Doab after the completion of the Jat migration is reflected in A'in-i-Akbari which provides a comprehensive list of Jat Zamindars.

The second phase of the Jat migration was a high watermark in terms of the Jat identity. The new shift transformed the previous Jat cultivator into a Jat Zamindar. It was a result of an incredibly massive mobilization of manpower and resources during this period that the Jats were able to reach the highest level of landed aristocracy. The range of the Jal expansion in Upper Gangetic Doab was to great extent on account of the formation of a khap mechanism which integrated almost all the rural sections under their domination.

It has been argued that the second phase of the Jat expansion and their conversion into an essentially peasant population were not only simultaneous, but also linked processes.²¹ This high success of this phase of expansion can also be attributed to some special conditions which the Jats exploited very well for the extension of cultivation during the twelfth-sixteenth centuries.²² One important dimension of change that further contributed to the above phenomenon was the technological shift to the Persian wheel.

The Persian wheel was a wooden device with a chain of buckets and gearing mechanism to lift water from depths. Irfan Habib argues in favour of sudden appearance of the Persian wheel in the early 16th century.²³ The Persian wheel was a marked improvement over the existing water-lifting technologies, particularly araghatta which had certain limitations in working over wells or making use of animal power. The Persian wheel removed these limitations as it was capable of lifting water from depths and harnessing animal power. Broadly, the Persian wheel revolutionized the agrarian conditions of Punjab as the farmers were inclined to utilize this method to improve their cultivation. The Jats who seem to have to have been in a transitional phase could not have remained aloof to the advantages brought about by the new technology. The Jats took full advantage of the Persian wheel and it appears that the Persian wheel was instrumental in the Jats' conversion to agriculture and their expanding settlements.²⁴ This trend can be corroborated by Babur who saw the use of the Persian wheel in Lahore, Dipalpur and Sirhind.²⁵ The regions described by Babur were important centres of Jat settlements during the 16th century. It is not without significance that the A'in-i-Akbari has reported the presence of Jat Zamindars in these areas. The Jats took full advantage of the Persian wheel and it appears that it was instrumental in part of the Jats conversion to agriculture and their expanding settlements. With the adoption of the Persian wheel, and the expansion of their village settlements in Punjab, the Jats came to be recognized as substantial farmers. The degrees of their association with cultivation are clearly demonstrated by the fact that in Punjab, the term Jat became synonymous with agriculture. From our point of view, this trend was significant in the formation of the Jat identity. The gradual shifting of the Jats to agriculture resulted in the crystallization of their myriad communities, previously engaged in various kinds of occupation, into a clearly discernable class of cultivators. It is noteworthy that Dabistan-i-Mazhab described the Jats as "villagers and rustics."²⁶ With the expansion of their population and their transformation to agriculture, a process that took about three to four centuries, the Jats began to show more cohesion in their socio-economic and cultural demeanour and by the 16th century, emerged as a distinct peasant community.

REFERENCE:

1. Habib, Irfan. 'lutts of Punjab and Sind.' Punjab Past and Present. Essays in Honour of Dr. Ganda Singh. Eds. Harbans Singh and N. Gerald Barrier: Punjabi University, Patiala, 1970. p. 94.

2. H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, The History of India as told by its own Historians. vol. i. New Delhi, 2006. pp. 131-211.

3. RS Sharma, Sudras in Ancient India, Delhi, 1980, p. 62.

4. Ibid.

5. Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. The Chachnamaha -An Ancient History of Sind. Delhi, 1979.. pp. 169-17

6. Edward C. Sachau. Alberuni's India: An Account of the Religion. Philosophy. Literature, Geography, Chronology, Astronomy. Customs. Law's and Astrology of India about A.D. 1030. 2 vols. S. Chand and Co., New Delhi, Popular edition, 1st Indian reprint, 1964. p. 401

7. Tarikh-i Ferishta of Mahomed Kasim Ferishta Eng. Tr. John Briggs, History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India till the year A.D. 1612,4 vols. Reprinted in Low Price Publications, 2006. pp. 49-50

8. Habib. op. cit.. p. 95

9. Idib.

10. Shereen Ratnagar. The Other Indians. Essays on Pastoralists and Prehistoric Tribal People. Gurgaon. 2004.p. xi.

11. Habib. op. cit., p. 95

12. Mushirul Hasan. Islam, Communities and the Nation- Muslim Identities in South Asia and Beyond. New Delhi. 1998. p. 9.

13. Dabistan-i-Mazahib of Zulfikar Mubed, Trs. David Shea and Anthony Troyer. Hinduism During the Mughal India of the seventeenth century. Patna, 1993, pp. 252, 270.

14. Habib, op. cit. p. 97

15. Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes. Delhi, 1993. P. 105. Cited Habib. op. cit. p. 97

16. Datta, Nonica. Forming an Identity: A Social History of the Jats. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999 p. 23.

17. Pradhan, M.C. The Political System of the Jats of Northern India. Oxford, 1966., p. 76.

18. Ibid.

19. W. Crooke, The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western India, vol. iii, Delhi. 1975. p. 25.

20. Pradhan, p. 76

21. Habib, op. cit. 97

22. Ibid.

23. Ibid, p. 38

24. Habib. Presidential Address, PIHC. Varanasi. 1969. pp. 153-194; Habib, 'The Technology and Economy of Mughal India,' lESHR. vol. xvii, no. i, p. 4.

25. Zahiru'd-din Muhammad Babur, Babur-Nama (Memoirs of Babur), (tr.) Annette Susannah Beveridge. vol. ii. Delhi, 2003, p. 486.

26. Dabistan, pp. 276-286. Also cited in Habib (1970), op. cit., p. 97.

Received on 22.11.2017 Modified on 10.12.2017

Int. J. Rev. and Res. Social Sci. 2017; 5(4): 213-218 .

DOI: 10.5958/2454-2687.2017.00019.3